The graph shows the mathematics proficiency of non-immigrant students and of first- and second-generation children of immigrant families at age 15 years. In Spain, the performance of students of first-generation immigrant origin is 55 points below, and that of students of second-generation immigrant origin 34 points below that of non-immigrant students, which is equivalent to being behind by one year of education (the progress recorded in an academic year represents around 40 points in the tests). This gap constitutes a generalised problem in Europe, as even in the Nordic countries, whose education system is considered a model, the differences are even greater.
This study provides empirical data on social inclusion policies in Spain,
showing significant impacts on employment, social support, education,
digital skills and housing. The outcomes reinforce the importance of
designing evidence-based public policies.
How is social inequality distributed in Spain? The upper and middle classes
account for 33%, the middle and lower-middle classes for 24%, and the low
and very low classes for 43% of the population.
The family is important for young people and a reference point for forming
their own. However, a study among young people aged 16 to 32 living in
Spain reveals that only 16% have children.
33% of pupils with lower economic capacity attend private tuition, in
contrast with 57% of pupils with a higher profile. Differentials in
participation in extracurricular activities in relation to economic
capacity are greater in secondary school.
Is the Learning and Performance Improvement Programme (PMAR) effective for
the prevention of early school leaving? According to this study,
participating in the PMAR increases the probability of obtaining an ESO
qualification by 12%.
Some 23.5% of pupils of immigrant origin leave school in the transition
between compulsory and post-compulsory education. We analyse the
differences by pupils' migration status and sex.