Pupils of immigrant origin have an increasing presence in the education system, with profiles experiencing significant changes in very few years and descendants increasing in proportion. This is due to a maturing international migration process, which experienced its high point early this century. It means that, in coming years, a large number of descendants will enter the classrooms, but is also due to a decline in new entrants during the economic-crisis years, meaning fewer first-generation pupils.

Presented here is an analysis of Catalonia between the 2013-2014 and 2015-2016 academic years for the generation of pupils born in 1998. Pupils of immigrant origin have a higher risk of leaving school early compared with native pupils. In the transition between compulsory and post-compulsory education, 23.5% of pupils of immigrant origin ceased studying, versus 13.3% of native pupils. Thus, over one third of early school leaving in Catalonia during the years analysed was associated with pupils of immigrant origin, who only constitute one quarter of the total of students.

Analysing early school leaving based on nationality is problematic, as pupils disappearing between school years include those gaining Spanish nationality via nationalisation processes, which discriminate according to origin and year of arrival, so the view of early school leaving reaches very high figures (42.1%) and is biased according to the nationality of origin. A generational typology, which includes both immigrants and descendants, is much more comprehensive and makes visible the diversity of situations within the set of pupils of immigrant origin.

Similar to the whole set of pupils, boys of immigrant origin experience a higher proportion of early school leaving: some 26.5% versus 20.1% among the girls. The same happens among native pupils, although with lower intensity (15.7% and 10.6%, respectively). In addition to the usual differences by gender in school results, also intervening among pupils of immigrant origin are their place of birth (Spain or abroad), their year of arrival in the country (if that is the case) and their parents’ origin. If one parent is immigrant and the other born in Spain (Generation 2.5), then the early leaving situation is no different to native pupils; in remaining situations, early school leaving is higher. The worst results are observed among first-generation pupils, who enter the school system at a later age, but also among descendants. In the first case, imbalances between the sexes grow; nearly 30% of boys cease studying. This high percentage should be related with one of the family reunification objectives: incorporation as soon as possible into work. As for the second generation, this percentage is due to a compound effect: among descendants there is an important percentage of sub-Saharan and Asian pupils, among whom early school leaving is much higher, related with access to the world of work, as well as with the higher discontinuity, as confirmed in previous studies with the same source (Bayona, Domingo and Menacho, 2020).

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In the academic year 2013-2014, some 40.5% of pupils of immigrant origin were not in the school year that they should have been based on age, and some 41.7% of them continued, in 2014-2015, taking Compulsory Secondary Education (ESO), a proportion much higher than that observed among native pupils (some 18.4%). As a consequence, leaving school expands over time and takes place one or two years subsequent to the theoretical age of completion of compulsory secondary education. This slowed down the early leaving rate between 2013-2014 and 2014-2015, with a very similar probability between natives and pupils of immigrant origin (7.7% and 10.3%), but it increased one year later (6.0% and 14.8%, respectively).

Among those who continued studying, the post-compulsory education itinerary shows segregated paths, with an unequal presence in Bachillerato and vocational training. In 2014-2015, some 57.1% of the 1998 generation were studying for the Bachillerato and some 10.4% in vocational training, while 23.9% continued studying compulsory secondary education after having to repeat at least one academic year. One year later, permanence in compulsory secondary education decreased (4.1%), while it was maintained in the Bachillerato (57.2%) and it increased in vocational training (23.0%), which are fuelled by pupils who have less successful academic records. Among the native pupils, the first destination is the Bachillerato (61.1%), whereas 22.1% enter vocational training, while for pupils of immigrant origin, values are lower in the first case (44.8%) and similar in vocational training (23.0%).

The first generation has the least access to the Bachillerato, with a major distance between sexes (27.6% males and 46.3% females). Between the second generations, the percentage is not much higher (31.0% and 40.9% respectively), in a situation where origin and year of arrival are determining factors. Only pupils from Generation 2.5 show a higher prevalence in the Bachillerato. This is due to a compound effect (among most of these pupils, the immigrant parent is European), but also to the influence of a mother born in Spain, which as a general rule has a positive effect on school performance and continuity in education.

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The composition by migratory status, nationality, and birthplace of pupils of immigrant origin changes over time. In primary education, the second generation predominates (Bayona and Domingo, 2018), while pupils completing compulsory education in 2013-2014 belonged predominantly to first generations. Furthermore, the second generations of 2013-2014 responded to a very different migratory context to those entering school now. That composition, changing in time, will have a clear influence on early school leaving. It will descend as the second generations are more represented, while any growth in the flows will maintain or increase it, it being the first generations who present a higher propensity to early school leaving.

Today, among pupils of immigrant origin who complete compulsory education, most common is the pupil born abroad. Among citizens from the European Union and those from North Africa alone there exists a considerable proportion of Spanish-born pupils (49.5% and 46.2% respectively). If the data on early school leaving according to origin are observed, those from Eastern Asia and sub-Saharan Africa show the highest figures. In both cases, this is a situation that especially concerns boys, reaching nearly half of them among the former group. This bias is related with recent arrival among Asians, mainly of Chinese origin and belonging to the first generation. In the second case, in contrast, they are mainly descendants, mostly Gambians, who had already suffered a major level of academic failure (Bayona and Domingo, 2018). Presumably, early school leaving occurs due to their intention to join the labour market and their greater lack of continuity in education.

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The complexity of the migratory phenomenon needs an analysis that goes beyond nationality or country of birth, as in the first case changes created by access to nationality may exist and in the second, descendants are not considered. In the absence of data on the socioeconomic characteristics of the families, the analysis of early school leaving according to pupils’ migration records is significant. Thus, the results indicate the existence of a high early school leaving rate among pupils of immigrant origin, both those who migrated themselves and second-generation descendants. Among the first there is a point of arrival effect, with higher early school leaving among those who arrived at a later age (first generation) in comparison with those who arrived when they were at a younger age (1.75 generation), a situation that affects boys more. Among descendants, the second generations continue presenting high rates of early school leaving, especially those from some origins, such as sub-Saharan Africa or Asia. Therefore, specific policies are necessary that focus attention on particular groups and include the family environment, both for pupils born outside of Spain and descendants born here, if we do not want to perpetuate towards descendants the disadvantages resulting from the migratory process of their parents.

Finally, an unequal educational record exists among those pupils who continue studying, with a lesser presence in the Bachillerato of pupils of immigrant origin in comparison with native pupils, in an educational career selection where what prevails is whichever offers the greatest and fastest labour market incorporation.

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